In its foreign affairs strategy, Japan may accelerate its pace toward becoming a "political power" and a "military power." Koizumi has declared that he will not conduct "constitutional reforms" during his term in office. But the ruling alliance now has the required 2/3 seats in parliament to carry out the "constitutional reforms," so progress toward "constitutional reforms" may accelerate. At the same time, Japan will continue to dedicate itself to strengthening military relationships, increasing its troops overseas and its interventionist strength, and promoting the "Security Council Entry" process.
Liu Junhong, writing in the CASS-sponsored weekly China Business, echoes similar statements, but predicts that continued American antagonism toward Chinese manufacturing will drive China and Japan closer together economically.
Also in China Business is an article written by academician Feng Zhaokui, who comes up with one of the more off-the-wall analyses of the election. Feng, apparently taking a cue from ousted LDP politician Shizuka Kamei, titles his essay "Let's hope it's not another 'Hitler Phenomenon'." Danwei has taken the liberty of translating this piece below, leaps of logic intact.
On 11 September, an unusually heated electoral battle broke out in Japan. As a result, Koizumi's political gambit paid off, "dramatic politics" were unnaturally effective, and idealist politicians met with rejection. Japanese media reporting used words like "overwhelming," "avalanche," and "record-breaking" to describe the victory won by Koizumi and the LDP. The conservative Sankei Shimbun ran a headline on the front page that read "LDP Wins It All, Swallows the Archipelago," and said that there was a "cataclysm in Japanese politics."
Failed Democratic Party representative and set-to-resign leader Katsuya Okada said, "Although we showed voters the blueprint for how we were going to lead them into the future, our efforts fell short. We were not strong enough." Japan is now much further away from the "two party playing field" that some people had previously predicted.
Asian media continued to worry about the possibility of a further rightward shift in Japan. Many papers in Korea published editorials and critical essays concerning Koizumi's victory in the election, saying that Koizumi's politics will move toward the right in the realm of international affairs, and that Japan will follow the US in militarization, revise its pacifist constitution, and trumpet nationalism. As a result, the framework of east-Asia will be damaged and Korea-Japan and Sino-Japan relations will deteriorate even further. An editorial in Korea's JoongAng Ilbo said, "It is evident that from this point Koizumi and the LDP will take a further step toward the right;" they could possibly move more quickly on the shrine issue and constitutional reform, shaking east-Asian international relations. Singapore's Lianhe Zaobao suggested that the Japanese ruling party may attempt to force through its constitutional revision program. Korea's ruling party also expressed its concern about Japan's conservative, rightist development.
In actuality, Koizumi has already declared that Japan will further increase cooperation with the US on all levels, including military cooperation. Japan's "9.11" election can't help but remind one of elections in Germany in January 1933. In several areas, the two elections are distressingly similar:
While in Japan, and even within the LDP, it has not been merely one lone politician calling Koizumi "another Hitler," (primarily out of displeasure with his dogmatic political maneuvering), it is probably premature to conclude that, in his foreign affairs strategies, Koizumi is preparing to go to war as "another Hitler." We still need to carefully examine the kind of foreign affairs policies this new Koizumi administration follows after its ascension, and we must carefully examine what kind of successor Koizumi chooses.
In conclusion, the people of Asia and of the entire world should hope that Japan's "9.11" election is not the reappearance of a "Hitler phenomenon." At the same time, looking at the many similarities that exist between the two, we cannot help but be alarmed. Like the feminist Doi Takako exclaimed on the Japanese political stage, "It's not normal. Where are the two large parties? This is merely a one-party autocracy. This nation is in danger." Reportedly, there's a feeling of discomfort brewing even within the LDP. Will Koizumi, this super gambler, eventually go so far as to bet the entire LDP?
Danwei's grey and maroon color scheme was chosen to match the old city of Beijing's grey and maroon walls.
It quite amusing that Shanghai's leading English newspaper's website is covered in colors that epitomize the northern city that Shanghainese love to hate.
The Shanghai Daily has always been full of internal contradictions. Started in October 1999, it was supposed to be a new alternative to the turgid China Daily. However, Shanghai has a highly conservative media environment — the local media authorities are probably the most uptight in the whole country, and the Shanghai Daily has until recently never risen above the level of a dull college newspaper, consisting of wire stories mixed up with local filler stories edited by non-native English speakers.
However, in 2003,just before the SARS panic set in, someone at the Shanghai city government (which controls the newspaper) decided that things needed to change. Yifei Group, the late artist Chen Yifei's would-be media and fashion empire, got a chance to pitch to the Shanghai government to manage the newspaper.
Your correspondent's company was called in to put together a dummy newspaper to show the Shanghai city government what an Yifei-produced Shanghai Daily would look like. Despite the brief that the newspaper should be international, it was insisted that a photo of Chen Liangyu — the mayor of Shanghai — adorn the front page of the dummy newspaper.
This is what the dummy looked like:
About a year later, in July 2004, the Financial Times reported the following:
In another example of overseas interest in the Chinese media market, interests associated with Kerry Stokes, owner of Australia's Seven Network, have been advising the state-owned Shanghai Daily on its editorial and business management.Bob Cronin, a former senior media executive in Western Australia, Mr Stokes' home state, is working in the municipal government-controlled English language newspaper as an adviser on daily news.
However, a spokesman for Mr Stokes in Australia and the paper's editor in Shanghai denied Mr Stokes had invested directly in the paper.
"It's impossible for any foreign company to buy into the Shanghai Daily," said Zhang Ciyun, the editor-in-chief, who declined to comment further on the paper's relations with Mr Stokes.
However, Mr Stokes could be able to invest in an advertising and management company separate from editorial to provide services to the paper, as a number of foreign companies have done.
Mr Stokes has growing interests in China, as the authorised distributor for Caterpillar products in nine provinces and as adviser to Beijing on telecasting the 2008 Olympics.
Communist capitalist media business: don't ya love it.
2. New version of temporary ID card to be effective from Oct 1;
3. Fireworks are limited to sell (within 500,000 boxes) in Beijing during Spring Festival;
4. A stone statue of Ming dynasty was unearthed in Fragrant Mountain;
5. Most traffic facilities in Beijing to be finished within this year.
很久没来了,忙也许是个很好的解释,今天在大头鱼那看到些话,很有意思,转一下:
今天(09.12)下午13点半左右,一位自称“北京市通信管理局”的阿姨打我手机,问姓名,域名,服务器所在,是否备案,然后和蔼客气的通知我的主页有关于“李_大_同_事”的内容需要清理删除,她似乎是照着某个表格念的,笑说不清楚是“李_大”“同事”还是“李_大_同”“事”,我初始因为招认虎翼和不大想继续blog了,又无网络,回答老几天没上网了不太清楚她的所指,估量着问两周时间如何,不同意,我就不再还旋,她说那就通知51把我的站封了—说的依然客气和蔼。挂了之后以为有些冤死,就又打回去,商定明晚前处理。下去吃饭,又打了过去,问她对谁负责,随即给出新闻出版署的电话,说我可以咨询;又言“上级”任务,看来日常工作就是和风细雨的扫黄打黑;最后说可以登陆“通信管理局”的网站查看职责范围我琢磨斟酌再三,想到该是感染安替病毒所致,于是把瓤留给安替被封的blog-city,只剩个链接耷拉着。欣喜的是终于和组织上有联系了,有人可以管管这些个左左右右了;难过的是引起注意的不是鱼写的东东,略感遗憾
言尽于此,封与不封,停与不停,撸与不撸,悉随尊便。
Somebody told us the other day that this podcast thing was getting big, and we figured we better get out in front of it. So why not create our own podcast? And who better to create our own podcast than us? Hopefully, you'll cut us some slack on our late entry: we've spent the last year making FeedBurner a powerful service for podcasters and now manage almost 20,000 podcasts around the world. Do you like the way we slyly worked in a marketing message there?
We wanted to launch the FeedBurner podcast to give you a better sense of what we're up to, help you understand how to get more out of FeedBurner, and generally provide some thoughts about relevant developments in a changing media landscape. This first podcast is mostly about us. You're forgiven for not submitting questions or comments since you didn't know about our new podcast. But now you have no excuse: if you speak up, this podcast will be all about you. Make Mom proud!
Listen to Episode 1 (25:15)
Some show notes:
And me? I'm hoping that you'll send us your comments via Skype (my Skype ID: RickKlau), via e-mail, or via del.icio.us (just tag an mp3 file with "feedburnerpodcast"). Want us to talk about your podcast (we understand there are a few of you out there)? Send us a note. Ask a question. Tell us about something cool you're doing with FeedBurner that we didn't know about. (Tell us how FeedBurner makes your day a little brighter, gives your life meaning, or reveals information about your feeds that you can't get anywhere else. Take your pick.)
Things we already know about this podcast: we need better audio equipment. I say "uh" a lot. And just because sound effects are in GarageBand doesn't mean that they're cool.
Want to subscribe to the podcast? Subscribers to the Burning Questions feed (that's this blog) will start seeing enclosures in the feed; the podcast-only feed is here. We'll post regularly - and we promise to stop using the "siren" and "buzzer" sound effects in GarageBand.